Australia finally has the federal government’s formal response to the Murphy Report. For gambling reform campaigners, it was not the clean break they wanted.
The response landed almost three years after the late Labor MP Peta Murphy led a landmark parliamentary inquiry into online gambling harm. Her committee made 31 recommendations, with the headline proposal being a phased, comprehensive ban on online gambling advertising across broadcast and digital platforms. It also called for stronger national regulation, tougher consumer protections and a national online gambling ombudsman.
The Albanese Government has moved on some of the agenda. It has not gone all the way.
Instead of a full advertising ban, the government is backing a tighter set of restrictions due to begin from 1 January 2027, subject to legislation. TV gambling ads will be capped at three per hour between 6am and 8.30pm, with a ban during live sport broadcasts in that window. Radio ads will be blocked during school drop-off and pick-up times. Online gambling ads will only be allowed where users are logged in, over 18 and able to opt out.
Sport will also look different if the package passes. Gambling ads are set to disappear from player uniforms, official uniforms and sports venues. Celebrities and sports figures will be banned from appearing in gambling promotions. Odds-style cross-promotion during commentary is also being targeted.
That is a real shift. It is just not the shift Murphy’s report asked for.
Why the Government Stopped Short of a Full Gambling Ad Ban

The government’s position is built around balance: reduce children’s exposure to betting ads, cut the link between sport and gambling, but avoid a blanket prohibition that would hit broadcasters, sports bodies and licensed wagering companies all at once. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has framed the plan as protecting children while still allowing adults to have a punt if they choose.
Critics are not buying it.
ABC News reported that gambling reform advocates accused the government of “burying” its response by releasing it on budget day, more than 1,000 days after the Murphy Report was handed down in June 2023. The timing alone gave opponents a clean attack line: if this was a proud reform moment, why drop it when everyone was watching the budget?
The substance also leaves plenty to argue over. The government has not adopted a full ad ban. It has not backed a new standalone national gambling regulator in the way reformers wanted. It has chosen a controlled squeeze rather than a hard stop.
That matters because the Murphy Report was not vague. It argued that gambling advertising had become too embedded in Australian sport and media, especially for children and young people. Anyone watching weekend footy or cricket in recent years knows the feeling. Odds, promos and betting brand logos have been made to look like part of the furniture.
The government’s reforms would move some of that furniture out. Campaigners wanted the room cleared.
There is also the question of impact. Guardian Australia reported that government analysis estimated the proposed ad restrictions would reduce annual gambling spend by $62.7 million, or just 0.8%. A full ban was modelled as reducing spend by $109.5 million, or 1.4%.
Those numbers cut both ways. Supporters of the government’s plan can argue the figures show an ad ban is not a magic fix for gambling harm. Opponents can argue the package is too modest to make a serious dent. In politics, a 0.8% impact figure is not exactly the stuff of battle drums.
What the New Rules Could Mean for Sport, Media and Betting Brands

The media and sports industries will still feel the changes. Broadcasters have warned for years that gambling advertising money helps fund sport coverage and live rights. Major codes have commercial relationships with wagering partners. Smaller media businesses may also be hit by tighter rules around digital advertising.
That is the pressure sitting behind the government’s softer landing. A full ban may be easier to explain to parents watching sport with their kids. It is much harder to negotiate with broadcasters, codes and betting companies that have built revenue models around constant visibility.
For wagering operators, the message is mixed. They avoid the full advertising wipeout Murphy’s committee recommended, but they still face a more restricted market. Logged-in online advertising, opt-out systems, tighter sports rules and limits on broadcast exposure will all force changes to how betting brands reach customers.
For reform groups, the fight now moves to the legislation. The headline decision has been made, but the details will decide whether the restrictions have teeth or loopholes. Digital advertising, in particular, will need close watching. A rule that sounds strong on paper can become much weaker if platforms, affiliates or app ecosystems find ways around it.
The government also plans broader gambling reforms, including action against illegal offshore operators, a ban on online keno-style “pocket pokies”, stronger BetStop support and more funding for gambling harm services. Those pieces matter, but advertising remains the loudest political fight because Australians see it every week.
Murphy’s report gave the government a clear road map. The government has taken some of the road, skipped some turns and stopped well short of the destination reformers had in mind.
That leaves Australia in a familiar gambling policy position: tighter rules are coming, but nobody is satisfied. The betting industry loses room to advertise. Harm advocates say children will still see too much. Sports and media brace for lower revenue. Politicians insist they have found the sensible middle.
The next test is whether that middle actually changes what Australians see when they watch sport.
Because for all the policy language, this debate has always come down to one simple scene: a kid on the couch, a match on TV, and betting ads trying to sound like part of the game.